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Nationalism progressed thought time in China. The May Fourth nationalism give birth to Chinese Communism. Mao and many of the leaders of the Chinese Communist Party were involved the movement. In time, Mao used nationalism to support the Communist revolution in China and to gain support from the Chinese public for its effort to fight against both the Nationalist and the Japanese. According to Friedman, Nationalism seemed to be the essence of the legitimization of Mao Zedong's popular anti-imperialism during the anti-Japanese war. "It helped the Communists to defined their goal, and identity. This brand of anti-imperialistic nationalism enables Mao to proclaim a mission to enable "China to stand up against foreign exploiters, domestic traitors, and imperialism in any form" (Friedman 1991: 2). In time, the anti-Japanese nationalism did transform the northern hinterland peasants into great patriots. They united together and supported Mao’s crusade.

So far, nationalism has been victorious in China, on both sides of the political spectrum. Leftist nationalism took hold in the mainland, right-wing nationalism in Taiwan. According to Dirlik, "Nationalism has reinforced Chinese attraction to Communism" (Dirlik 1989:194). Nationalism played an important role in the China search for a new society and political system, but on the hand, liberalism as the representative of the personal liberation suggested by Hu Shih during that period was often overlooked by many historians. Many May Fourth intellectuals accept nationalism because they were frustrated with corrupt Republican politics. At first, they used culture revolution as the proper realm of change, only to discover that cultural change could not be fulfilled without change in social institutions. Many found that Hu's form liberalism to be too idealistic. Nationalism still continues to dominate Chinese politics, on issues as wide-ranging as the Taiwan question and Western calls for human rights reforms in the People's Republic.

The May Fourth movement served not only as the wellspring of modern Chinese nationalism, but it also created a setting in which intellectuals debated the role of the individual and its relationship with the nation and the political process. It was the awakening of a new culture. This point should not be overlooked.

On the surface today, the debate between Nationalism and Liberalism is basically over. Nationalism seems to have taken the driver's seat in China’s never-ending quest towards modernity. The Four Modernization principles that Deng crafted out in the late 1970s only focused on strengthening the Chinese State, and not on the rights of the individual. But with the death of Deng, and calls for greater respect for human rights from the world community, China is again at a crossroads. Will China’s march toward superpower status cause this nationalistic trend to continue, or will the conscience of the newly created middle class raise its voice to demand liberty and cultural reforms that have been long delayed since the May Fourth Movement?

This kind of middle class revolution has happened in many other newly industrialized Asian countries. Will it happen in China? The students in Tiananmen Square in 1989 protesting the policies of the People's Republic had a decidedly democratic bent. They preached better internal relations among Chinese people, and between the people and the government, and not the need to steel China against external forces. Unlike in the 1920s, China today does not face any danger from invasion--in fact, some accuse China of throwing her military might around. China's citizens are well-educated today, though it can be argued that the education Chinese students receive does not prepare them for participation in a democratic state. Perhaps these factors will make the difference--a China safe from external attack or exploitation is one which can afford the path of liberalism, and one with an educated populace can practice the art of democracy well. The population of Hong Kong, which will be absorbed into China in a few months, is accustomed to a freer and more open society than the rest of the People's Republic. The current regime has already abandoned many staples of its ideology; the death of Deng may eventually pave the way for a more open society, much as the rise of Gorbachev paved the way for the fall of Communism in Russia. China is certainly more prepared for such a transition than was the Soviet Union. What will happen in the coming years is unknown; however I believe that liberalism, even if ultimately rejected, will rise again as a competing ideology to guide China's future.